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However, these apparently exaggerated reactions seem aimed at achieving the goal of preparing the environment to "warm up" the return to work after the holidays and create a state of mind that can favor a pro-independence majority in more than likely anticipated autonomic elections that would be the fifth in nine years, which means a call every two years, double that in any other community.
And although the CEO himself the Catalan CIS clearly reflects that the rejection of independence exceeds the supports, they plan to co-operate in generating a situation that will once again unbalance the balance in their favor. Few factors are going to modulate that foreseeable confrontation. An agreement between constitutional forces would be devastating for the independence movement, since it would avoid the habitual loss of votes for disintegration between forces, but although the new positions of actors such as Valls and Collboni facing the Barcelona city hall open an unexplored path of high political agreements, the certain thing is that the translation of that strategy to the autonomic scope seems very little probable.
The republication of the agreement between independence, curiously, seems even more complicated, after the passage of the CUP to irrelevance, the exchange of forces between republicans and post-convergence and the debacle of the latter, whose leadership is debated between Puigdemont, Torra and the rest of PDECAT leaders.
Another important factor is the foreseeable arrival of more sentences of the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg, which was flooded months ago of denunciations by nationalism and that could be dictating sentences that, if going in the line of the first, would sink the credibility and the international support that Catalan nationalism could still preserve. It has happened again this week after the last meeting of the Catalan executive. Given the complaints of those present, the spokeswoman stated that "the rules" establish that the questions are carried out in Catalan first and that at the end of the question round, the media can "repeat" any of the questions in Spanish and they will be given the translated answer, but in no way can they ask new questions in that language.
Immediately the journalists have protested, affirming to ignore those presumed "rules". Spanish is the language in which most Catalans read books, watch television, go to the cinema The play of Valls topped by Collboni will finally pay off. Nationalism will not take over the Catalan capital. This has been decided at the moment in which Ada Colau announced this week that she would again opt for the mayor of Barcelona.
He did not need to mention that his candidacy has all the numbers to be chosen thanks to the generosity of Councilman Manuel Valls, who gives him the votes he needs, and the socialist Jaume Collboni, willing to a left pact that leaves Colau free to seat mayoress. The reactions of the most voted party, Esquerra Republicana, did not wait.
The nationalists tried to turn Barcelona into "the capital of the Republic", but the fact of not being able to join the independence parties, which have lost strength in the Barcelona town hall, has relied on the will of the "equidistant" mayoress anti-system , forced to finally decide between left not nationalist and left nationalist. This commitment of rival opponents Valls and Colau demonstrated during their televised debate that chemistry that only the big enemies have is the consequence of a very pressing dilemma for Manuel Valls, and is to choose between what is possibly an inefficient management of the resources of Barcelona or the plunder of them to support and enhance the nationalist movement.
And Valls has taken an unexpected decision that has led to unusual situations as even right-wing constitutionalists are happy to have a "communist" and anti-system mayor. Social networks have been filled with reproaches from the nationalist side, directed mostly towards Colau. In these reproaches, the voices of Esquerra Republicana make him feel ashamed to agree with "the caste" despite the fact that they present themselves with an almost octogenarian politician, with a surname and roots and who has always lived in the shadow of power.
There have also been acknowledgments, from the Constitutionalist side, very specially directed to Manuel Valls. Far from profiling the decline of a political figure, the partner of Citizens seems to be laying the groundwork for an interesting career that is not yet managed to glimpse. It wasn't the intelligence services of the CNI that exposed the secret plan to which the former president of the Generalitat Carles Puigdemont and his lawyer, the former ETA collaborator Gonzalo Boye, insistently referred, but his own followers.
Obviously the temporary accreditations do not grant any privilege or immunity, but allow access to the facilities, which Puigdemont could have taken advantage of the day of the constitution of the Chamber to appear in the photo and pass it to the government of Spain in another "ingenious" advertising maneuver.
This generated a situation of inequality among the MEPs who had fled with respect to the rest of Spanish MEPs, promptly denounced by the secessionism, but more quickly corrected by the Solomonic method of denying and revoking the temporary authorizations to ALL Spanish MEPs, who can access the definitive accreditations, but after passing through Madrid, and swearing the constitution as required by spanish law. Of course the number of signatory MEPs is only 7 out of , and all of them are nationalists or communists of the unitary left.
But at least these maneuvers are achieving for the independence movement its main objective: to fill TV3 and other nationalist media with headlines that divert attention from the most relevant news of the year: the demolishing ruling of the European Court of Human Rights that denied that Spain violated the rights of the Catalan parliamentarians and ruled that the "referendum" of October 1, was a crime and that there was nothing democratic about it. The new elected representatives of Catalan nationalism for the European Parliament have not been very happy about their refusal to enter the institution.
However, before the well-founded suspicion that the Spanish Government would not grant their accreditation to the escapees since they would be arrested when they stepped on Spanish soil, they were denied such courtesy, which they probably already planned to upgrade as if from a victory was about Europeanism over the "vile" Spain. However, the cautious behavior of the European Parliament officials totally justifiable, since the European Parliament already denied the expresident the authorization to attend an event for security reasons has spoiled the small triumph that both Puigdemont and his lawyer, the Controversial Gonzalo Boye who served his sentence for collaborating with ETA in the kidnapping of Emiliano Revilla had to take credit, and that has provoked these temperamental statements against the European Union.
As the legal services of the European Parliament have repeatedly indicated, to exercise the functions as a member of the European Parliament, there's no alternative but to go to Madrid, comply with Spanish law and swear by the constitution. It's not the first time that the fled ex-president questions the European institution when it does not agree with him. Known is the time in which he stated before the European media that "maybe, the Catalans should be able to decide whether or not they want to belong to this European Union.
She said "we accept the resolution of the Human Rights Committee" and added, defiantly, "We hope that the resolutions that have to come and are favorable to our cause will be accepted by the unionists.. But aside from the democratic anomaly of describing as "its cause" of the government of Catalonia what should only be the cause of the independence movement, the spokeswoman did not mention the true scope of the Strasbourg response. Because the response has been much worse for them than they could have expected.
Therefore, the answer that nationalism needed was "Yes, your rights have been violated, we condemn Spain", but they knew that another could come: "No. The request is rejected". However, the latter would have occurred if the offended parliamentarians had made a brief demand, without frills and adjusted to the their facts. Instead they presented it with their usual adornments regarding the bases of democracy, the vote of the sovereign people of October 1, and so on. And, of course, that forced the Human Rights Court to also analyze the merits of these issues and decide on them.
The decision of the Parliament's Bureau to convene a plenary session violates the decisions taken by the Constitutional Court that pursue the objective of protecting the constitutional order. The Court considers that the suspension of the plenary session had pursued, among other things, the legitimate objectives of "guaranteeing public safety", "preventing disorder" and "protecting the rights and freedoms of others". By adopting a suspension order, therefore, the Constitutional Court had endeavored to ensure compliance with its own decisions.
That suspension seems justified because, as the Court pointed out, the constitutional courts were empowered to take the necessary measures to guarantee compliance with their judgments. The Court concluded that the interference in the plaintiffs' right to freedom of assembly The Court agreed with the Constitutional Court that a political party could campaign for a change in the legislation or constitutional structures of the State, provided that it used legal means, but it's necessary to avoid situations in which parliamentarians representing a minority could not fulfill their duties.
About the referendum on October 1 On October 1, an unauthorized referendum was held to decide on the secession of Catalonia from Spanish territory. The Court noted that for a case involving referendums to be within the scope of Article 3 of Protocol No. The Court considered that these conditions had not been met in the present case. The plenary session of the Parliament had been convened in compliance with a law that had been suspended by the Constitutional Court and therefore has been temporarily inapplicable.
Therefore, the decision taken by the Parliament's Bureau was due to a manifest lack of compliance with the decisions issued by the Constitutional Court aimed at protecting the constitutional order. The European Court of Human Rights has unanimously declared that the request is inadmissible. The decision is final. In other words, unappealable. This is the point. The Strasbourg court has not only declared that the rights of the parliamentarians were not violated that day, but it has deployed a whole argument that exposes the antidemocratic behavior of the independentist parliamentarians, an argument unanimously ratified by seven judges from different countries, and that Strasbourg will not contradict in its subsequent sentences, but will serve as the basis for many of them.
The nationalist party Esquerra Republicana has been the most voted force in Barcelona. In fact, the independence movement has fallen sharply in Barcelona, going from 18 to 15 councilors in four years out of a total of The non-independentist forces rise from 23 to 26 seats, with the peculiarity that the parties that oppose secession go up from 12 to 16, surpassing the nationalist parties by themselves.
In fact, Esquerra has only won the elections because the nationalist vote has been concentrated and the constitutionalist is dispersed. Especially relevant is the case of the PDECAT, which can barely claim a third of the nationalism, and the CUP is outside the Barcelona consistory and most of the consistories of the area included in the concept "Tabarnia", which includes the coastal area of Barcelona and Tarragona and it is structured around the large municipalities.
Outside of Tabarnia, the small Catalan municipalities are subject to the dictatorship of fear. This means that in most of them it's indifferent how many constitutionalist voters there are, because they have no one to vote for, since there aren't constitutionalist majors. They are afraid to participate. On a national scale, the debacle of Podemos is widespread.
The "commons" throughout Spain recede dramatically. The losses of their two biggest strongholds Madrid and Barcelona are mortal wounds, and those wounds spread to the peripheral nationalisms with which they keep so much complicity. As vaccinated by the ravages caused in Catalonia by nationalism, the Galicians have made the Tides sink, the constitutionalist force Navarra Suma has expelled the nationalism of Navarre one of the few occasions in which Ciudadanos has shown that adding can go well , and in the Balearic Islands the nationalists are now irrelevant, which could result in the disappearance of the current laws of linguistic discrimination.
In fact, the growing presence of Esquerra Republicana in large municipalities of Barcelona has to be understood more as a compaction of the independence movement to less disruptive positions to the detriment of the PDECAT which only has the consolation of beating Esquerra in Europe, where Puigdemont and Junqueras would be the faces if they did not finish stopped and suspended respectively and of the almost extinct CUP. Since the phenomenon called Podemos capitalized the M movement to found a political party located practically on the far left, the accelerated growth of that phenomenon was used in all the Spanish autonomies to shelter minority movements of a nationalist nature.
Especially striking was the purge in Catalonia of the dissenting voices that asked the recently released "circles" of Podemos not to include identity nationalism in their ranks and consider it "chaste", like the rest of the ruling oligarchy they claimed to fight. In each community, Podemos defended the minorities attacking the majorities, to extremes such as having their electoral posters in Asturias only in Asturian, a very minority language.
Many of the discrepancies have been, precisely, related to the double standard by which the purple formation has always denounced the dirty deeds of Spain, but never those of the independence movement, its preferred partner. In fact, the complexation of the left before the identity nationalisms is as generalized as incomprehensible. Movements that are based on equality, brotherhood among the workers and the absence of borders are cowed by an extreme right-wing nationalism made up with a fine left varnish very easy to scratch, and they refuse to denounce their evident hypocrisy for fear of be called 'fascists'.
Until finally people get tired. And this is where Unidos SI appears.
And although it's difficult for Spanish people to get used to it, the truth is that it's a much more coherent position, since the real left has always tried to abolish borders, never to lift them. But Unidos SI still has another surprise. Because the organisms that measure the levels of democracy don't do it based on political messages or newspapers headers, but on objective data such as legal guarantees or the level of freedom in each country and such, as the report says, "hundreds of factors" that help to make a reliable portrait of the democratic quality of a country.
The V-DEM report, which classifies liberal democracies, also compares data with those of a decade earlier, showing whether a country has become more democratic Tunisia or more authoritarian United States. At the high part of the table, from Spain to the beginning, all the countries analyzed show a stable democracy, highlighting the case of South Korea, which has experienced a remarkable improvement that places it among the most democratic countries in the world.
The results of the study carried out in more than two thousand schools in Catalonia leaves no room for errors. Spanish is barely allowed in Catalan schools.
Now they finally have it on paper. As the report confirms, the imposition is carried out in three ways: The teaching itself: In almost all cases, the teachings are performed only in Catalan, with the only exception of the Spanish language class.
The clear objective is to ensure that students "normalize" the use of Catalan and consider Spanish a foreign language. On many occasions, this monolingualism extends outside the classroom, in the corridors and especially at playtime. Teachers know that if children are forced to speak Catalan with each other in the yard they are more likely to end up doing the same on the street. Internal communication. This is the way to put pressure on teachers to "adapt" or resign.
Adding this factor to the usual ideological screening it's easier to ascend and reach positions of responsibility if you have the card of a nationalist party the complicity of teachers for monolingual indoctrination is achieved.
Communication with parents. This is the most singular channel of the three, because it's intended by the force of persuasion to force Spanish as the only language of communication between parents and teachers, despite the fact that in many cases the majority of parents are Castilian speakers.
We seek justice and equality for our diverse society. Possibly the citizens of Catalonia and the rest of Spain would never have imagined that the leaders in charge of managing a prosperous region would push their people to a fascist and totalitarian drift in which, thanks to the control of the Catalan media that relate exclusively his version, it seems they are winning the first of the battles, the battle of words over reality. Given the continued growth of these groups, the Generalitat the regional government has launched a double campaign of persecution and discrediting these cleaning groups. Unless the military estates or part of them are on the side of the people not the "people" , a civil war is looming, something that luckily in Catalonia does not go beyond civil conflict. Some , people aim to join hands along the entire coastline of the northeastern region of Catalonia to demand an historic redrawing of the map of Spain. The circle closes when the spokesmen of the cells of the CDR are interviewed on TV3 and street violence is bleached before the media or excused by the alibi of the suffering of "exiles" politicians who allegedly committed a crime whose consequences were repeatedly warned and that they fled so as not to face the consequences of their actions and "political prisoners" politicians who did face the consequences of their actions but are in provisional detention because of the evident flight risk that their escaped comrades have demonstrated. In the 10th century the County of Barcelona became independent de facto.
This is helped by a condescending attitude towards Spanish, which is treated as a "second language" that should only be tolerated if Catalan is unknown and, therefore, reserved for uneducated people. Outside the borders of Catalonia this situation of marginalization of the main language would be considered weird at least, but years of habituation and a very strong identity policy has achieved that in Catalonia parents who want bilingual education silence themselves so as not to harm the future of their children.
The reality is that today, in Catalonia, parents who want a plural, bilingual or trilingual education free of indoctrination must do what nationalist politicians do: take their children to private schools, where they are offered bilingualism as a very coveted bonus that the public school can't offer. So, the only position in which the Catalans could speak without fear of reprisals would be to submit the linguistic imposition to referendum, something that the nationalist parties have denied by all ways referring to a "great consensus" that has never shown, and an "effectiveness" denied by a multitude of reports.
This new manifesto is a response to the controversial document signed three months ago by a small group of French senators in March , entitled "For the respect of freedoms and fundamental rights in Catalonia". This document, promoted by the diplomatic work of Catalan nationalism, was disseminated by a minority fraction of the French senators and presented with great fanfare by the nationalist media as a great democratic triumph.
The response, however, has been signed and endorsed by many authorized voices of France and comes in the form of a manifesto similar to the previous title "For the respect of the rights and freedoms of all citizens of Spain". They also call attention to the nationalist distortion of the concept of "dialogue" and denounce that the senators who signed the manifesto pro-nationalism use the term "repression" for the simple application of the law and call "victims" elected officials who refuse to apply the law of the country for which they have been elected.
The concert has started without incident, with previous appearances by the artists Famous and Ruth Lorenzo, who have performed without suffering any kind of interruption. However the appearance of Marta Sanchez has been the signal for various people to throw eggs and tomatoes simultaneously to the singer, preventing her from singing. The attack on the singer has been planned and directed specifically to her from various points, which requires a coordinated plan given the complexity of entering a concert loaded with eggs and hold two songs without breaking them.
In addition, the attack have been accompanied by cries of "Fascist", both in Catalan and in Spanish. It should be noted that "fascist" is the adjective most used by Catalan nationalists to define those who disagree with their ideology. Albiol has gone further by mentioning that there are unconfirmed indications that points that the youths of the CUP may be behind the attacks. Art and culture are suffering acutely the consequences of the independence conflict. Marta is not the first artist to see her performance boycotted by nationalism.
According to the complaint filed to the prosecution by the municipal group of Ciudadanos, the amount allegedly diverted in unjustified payments would amount to 1. This and other scandals, both in the PDECAT and the ERC, are being overlapped by the gesticulations around the politicians judged and the most bitter campaign so far, since in quieter times they would possibly constitute a scandal instead of being, as now, little more than background noise. After a convulsive month in which the controversy over the elimination of double security jumped to the media long before the elections, when these finally occurred more than 2, irregular votes were confirmed numerous votes made from the same computers with the same IP addresses, other votes that were not registered..
The suspicions of manipulation led to an audit that was the shame of the organizers of the voting process, the Scytl company. This could cause a debacle in the chamber itself and cause not only the continued loss of business contributions, but also that of European funds, which are almost one third of their funding and could be denied if they confront the Spanish Chamber of Commerce.
On April 28, a parade of fascist independence movement has been held in the municipality of Torregrossa. His followers have taken to the streets in uniform with brown shirts and military greetings with Catalan identity symbols that paradoxically remind a lot to those of the Franco regime. But they have also taken the opportunity to give their support to Nuria de Gispert for their xenophobic messages, aligning themselves with President Quim Torra, a well-known admirer of the Badia brothers and who in Europe is also framed on the extreme right. The situation has ended up surpassing its protagonists.
And it is that the frequent communications of both characters insulting and humiliating any political actor who did not share their postulates often entered the terrain of xenophobia against Spaniards, and not infrequently equating their compatriots with animals with clear vexatious intent. The lack of dissimulation in such messages, as well as the loss of prestige of the award meant that not only the constitutionalists showed their outrage, but the pro-independence rivals of the PDECAT reacted to an objectively criticizable situation and took advantage of it to set a "more dignified" profile and disfigure his low behavior to his rival.
The President of the Generalitat, Quim Torra, remains obstinate in maintaining the concession of the increasingly devalued Cross of Sant Jordi the highest award that is granted from the Catalan institutions to Nuria de Gispert. The proposal of the former president of the Parliament of Catalonia until for the highest Catalan award was questioned from the very first day because of her known xenophobic attacks against several politicians not related to nationalism.
But the leader of the most voted party in Catalonia is not the only recipient of their insults, but also Dolors Montserrat, Enric Millo, Carlos Girauta and others have also had to endure that the postconvergence separatist would equate them with "pigs" in a tweet about the increase of the meat export in Catalonia, taking place these last offenses when she had already been proposed for the Cross of Sant Jordi, and being already rejected by the own parliament of Catalonia for its insulting and excluding expressions.
Despite everything, Quim Torra refuses to question the award, which is not surprising given his own history of openly racist insults in journalistic articles and tweets in which he calls non-Catalan Spaniards "beasts in human form", and of having a "genetic tare" to those Catalans who do not follow the slogans of the nationalist regime.
Related thoughts tend to defend themselves. Viladecans is the last municipality to repeal the monolinguistic imposition in the consistory. In this municipality of Baix Llobregat the use of Spanish in the municipal civil service has been excluded until now, despite being the majority language, considering Catalan as the only language in municipal regulations.
Although few explanations are as clear as those of the economic vice president, Oriol Junqueras, who in this video confessed to his followers that the referendum was illegal, but that if they disobeyed the prohibition, they could show the world an image of people who vote and the Spanish government preventing them from "voting", and in that way, they would win.
The Commissioner Lopez also agrees with the major Trapero in the subject of that Puigdemont was informed of the high probability of violent confrontations and in which the former president decided to continue with the confrontation, but it has also qualified that Puigdemont had the intention of declaring independence if a sufficient level of violence was reached, which reminds us of that well-known saying of the Catalan independence movement "a dead man would give us independence".
In any case, an attempt was made to find the desired victimizing effect by manipulating the figures more than wounded people were announced and then reduced to , which soon contrasted with the reality that only two "peaceful voters" were admitted into a hospital one was an aggressor who hurled metal fences at the policemen and who was injured by a rubber ball, and the other one an elderly gentleman who suffered a heart attack while witnessing the confrontation, although he recovered in front of the dozens of law enforcement officers who were reportly injured, but that the Spanish government, with its aforementioned clumsiness, did not disclose, which helped reinforce the nationalist story.
Nothing mattered, as long as the world could see people with ballots in their hands receiving blows from the police. It was a powerful image, and that's why it was sought, to provoke a visceral reaction from European citizens. But now the plan, apparently, is exposed.
And the reaction of European citizens to being deceived can be very different. Catalan nationalism has entered strongly into the electoral campaign, although in addition to exposing its intentions in meetings, it has also opted to show less democratic "arguments". The vandals themselves sign their actions, record them on video and share them on social networks.
The last headquarters attacked is the one from Partido Popular in Terrassa, which already has had five attacks in less than a month. There have been countless attacks to territorial headquarters of Ciudadanos, Partido Popular, Vox and to a lesser extent Partido Socialista, with its premises smashed with hammers and vandalized with paint. The premises of the independentist parties are free from this wave of attacks, as well as the premises of the far-left populist parties whose support the independence movement needs.
Even Quim Torra himself has been harassed by his CDRs autonomous forces of intimidation , which have demanded even more radicalism, accusing him of not "being the people", subject to which Quim Torra has adressed calling them "companions" saying that he is indeed "the people". None of the nationalist parties has condemned the attacks, which some of them considering them an expression of the "will of the people". The leader of the Scottish nationalist party and Prime Minister of Scotland, Nicola Sturgeon, has proposed the call for a new independence referendum taking advantage of the Brexit crisis.
Six years ago, the Scottish independence movement claimed the "right to decide" that the United Kingdom's constitution contemplates since Scotland had been an independent country that was annexed to the United Kingdom and exercised it in a bilateral and agreed referendum that was held in with all democratic guarantees. The independentistas did not reach the majority, reason why the sovereign town of Scotland decided to remain in the United Kingdom.
Barely six years later, Brexit serves as an excuse for nationalists to invalidate the result of that vote and re-invoke a "right to decide" that invalidates what has already been decided, in a new referendum that in case of victory would be irreversible but in In case of defeat, he should only wait for any new political conflict to be invoked again.
The political rivals of Sturgeon are taking advantage of this support to discredit the Scottish "neverendum" and to show the hypocrisy that can be invoked eternally after each defeat but irreversible in case of victory. It seems that English language also bothers them. Sectarianism and exclusion know no limits.
Few independence initiatives show so clearly the exclusive character of this movement that advocates the implementation of a single language. Skip to main content Skip to table of contents. Advertisement Hide. Front Matter Pages i-xvi. Pages Front Matter Pages Essay and Philosophy in Catalan Culture from to Identity and Memory in the Catalan Literature of Exile.