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Link to external video The future of Africa Play video Link to external video - Ghana: the world's next factory? The speaker, in this case S2, expresses something that has to do with his attitude towards the relevant proposition. This is in principle what I described before, as the basic function of exclamatives: the speaker expresses that he, with respect to the relevant proposition, had expected something else. Why should he have a different expectation with re-spect to this state of affairs? I understand expectation of a speaker rather like 21 referring to the definition of Normalcy Conceptions I gave above.
By positioning the exclamative accent on the subject pronoun, something more is expressed, namely that there are alternatives to Karl , and if they take the place of Karl in the proposition this results in alternative propositions that are compatible with the set NC S2, maybe the ones in It is obvious that the alternatives are no longer live options with respect to the Common Ground. The Common Ground is already closed for this issue. For our chosen example with the exclamative accent on the subject pronoun, the speak-er expresses that the proposition is false in the worlds he considers normal, whereas propositions with an alternative denotation for the expression in subject position are compatible with the set comprising his Normalcy Conceptions.
Dass DER dem das verraten hat! I thought Anton would reveal it to him. Karl hat dem Friedrich verraten, dass Heinz gelogen hat.
I want to add that focus effects for an exclamative accent are not confined to minimal focus. Focus projection seems also possible. Consider Heinz hat seinem Sohn zum Geburtstag eine Uhr geschenkt.
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Dass der seinem Sohn eine UHR schenkt! Krifka uses the example in Maybe the following examples for exclamatives suffice. It is, however, not obvious that they must have them. If we look at other exclamative sentence types, for instance wh -exclamatives like 34 , it seems hard to discover a focus effect. I have the feeling that there is indeed a difference between 34a and 34b , but it is not easy to see. Maybe, one would expect that 34a is similar to Whatever the reasons, I think there is a difference between 34a and For different positions, different sets of alternatives come into play.
And here, we find the connection to normality, i.
A restriction on this set is, that the basic proposition of the dass -exclamative may not follow from it. To reach this conclusion, I will first consider the interaction between exclamations and context. That means, people can hold certain views about what they think is normal, even if it follows from the Common Ground that these views are wrong. This information is communicated so that S1 could — with respect to 37b — reply 38a or 38b. Was ist denn daran komisch? Das war doch zu erwarten.
Actually, it was to be expected. Hast du wirklich etwas anderes erwartet? I will have a short look at three different ways and then talk about another possibility. An implicature that is not challenged may end up in the Common Ground as shared knowledge. Consider the scalar implicature in An answer like 41 , should S1 utter it, is not acceptable. Einige haben geschlafen, wenn nicht alle. Dass die DEN geheiratet hat! Aber ich habe erwartet, dass sie ihn heiratet. However, I expected, that she would marry him. Could 39 be a presupposition that must be accommodated by the addressee?
Normally, it is not acceptable to assert a proposition that was a presupposition of the preceding sentence, see Meine Katze ist krank. Ich habe eine Katze. Das habe ich nicht erwartet. I did not expect this. Asserted propositions can be stopped from entering the Common Ground. An interlocutor can negate it and so reject it, see Nein, das stimmt nicht. Nein, du hast erwartet, dass Maria den Ludwig heiratet. I take it as evidence that they are part of the Common Ground, if they are negotiable. A asserted at t that p iff.
This ends up in the Common Ground and is directly negotiable. The addressee could reply to an assertion with utterances like It is negotiable. Warum sollte ich das wollen?
Exclamation dass -exclamative. An utterance of a speaker S counts as an exclamation dass -exclamative iff.
S did not expect that p. I do not think this is too absurd. Provided that the exclamation succeeds, an interlocutor is forced to accept that 53iii is the case. The felicity conditions for dass -exclamatives can be generalized to all classes of exclamatives, s. I made a suggestion in what way they could be relevant for the interpretation and how they relate to Normalcy Conceptions and the Common Ground. Altmann, H. Batliner, A.
Bless, H. Finkbeiner, R. Goldberg, A. Haspelmath, M. Jacobs, J. Krifka, M. Meibauer, J. Michaelis, L. Oppenrieder, W. Reis, M. Reisenzein, R.
Rett, J. Roguska, M. Rooth, M. Stalnaker, R. Syntax and Semantics 9. See also Rett for a similar definition. This is partly a question for psychological research. There seem to be two possibilities. It could be that the speaker, being new in town, did not adapt his NC to the relevant norm, although in this case we would probably expect a plural noun phrase. On the other hand, it seems to me, at least for the German version in ii , that the height of the building that is the reason for the utterance must be somehow remark-able compared to the idea of height of tall buildings the speaker may have established in such a city.
While CIs share properties of the discussed inference, it is not really clear to me what lexical or constructional part is responsible for the CI in the sentences under discussion. Sommaire - Document suivant. Plan 1. Expectations and felicity conditions. Introduction 1 These considerations are partly based on a talk I gave on the annual conference of the German socie This is partly a question for psychologic Bibliographie Altmann, H. Haut de page. Suivez-nous Flux RSS. How fast he can play the solo! Dass der ein Instrument spielt! Das ist einfach so. Das war damals normal.
Das ist normal im Dschungel.