And so he pretended to be sick and missed out on the whole of this beautiful voyage. This story he told Rudy, a prisoner who, between two interrogations, has just arrived in his miserable cell. He did so in order to distract his prison mate from the torture he had just undergone. Rudy, a Pole like Rossi, listened to the story and smiled:.
Another advantage for this particular zek was that he had been a scholar of fine arts and languages. For this gifted linguist who spoke more than ten languages, studying the language spoken in the Gulag became a springboard to constructing a work that is not just a work of memory, but also a work of history. History is distinguished from memory by its objective, or at least its intersubjective nature.
And this is the case here.
It is in the name of thousands of witnesses that Rossi speaks. And it is no longer a matter of one individual point of view on the Gulag. It is an academic type of research based on primary sources as well as references to archives, documents, and statistics. This is what allows for as accurate a reconstruction as possible of the reality of the Gulag.
Jacques Rossi did not content himself with passing on the memory of a first-hand witness. He wanted to leave behind a legitimate, historical record by constructing his monumental Gulag Handbook. After all, there have been so many testimonies. His originality is that he became the historian of his own history by giving it a universal dimension. That is why knowledge of the Gulag is fundamental to the study of the communist totalitarian regime.
Unfortunately, no sovietologist ever did the apprenticeship there. As we have seen, for years and years, Rossi listened to fellow prisoners who confided in him. They were very diverse. All these Soviets spoke to him, in their individual jargon, the Gulag slang, a specific language born of a specific culture. Rossi was multilingual and passionate about languages. He had a remarkable memory, which he used during his time as an undercover communist. That same memory would retain hundreds and thousands of Gulag expressions that were not part of the Russian language proper.
It was a composite language, consisting of the accumulation and sedimentation of several linguistic strata, the slang of the ordinary prisoners, the legal language of the penitentiary administration, the specific vocabulary of the political prisoners, and words from pre-revolutionary Russian penal colonies. He used it to describe and indeed explain the concentration camp universe from which it sprang.
There are words and there are testimonies. The first step was, therefore, to assemble the facts. But, when Rossi undertook this Dantean task, he was no quiet researcher in the Library of Congress. He was a zek who had been held in the Gulag, for years on end, who had not been allowed to take any notes, and who was subjected to regular searches, even in the most intimate places. Nevertheless, he managed to write and keep records. He also made sketches of what he saw, which were confiscated How did he manage this?
He refused to reveal it to me, to avoid betraying a secret that could be of use against other detainees. The second step was to take place in communist Poland, after Rossi had left the Gulag, and had started, thanks to his still fresh memories and his secret records full of recollections, to set up a gigantic file. But here, too, he was not living in a country with freedom of expression.
And so, to transfer his work to the west, he had to use the diplomatic bag of the French embassy, where he had some contacts. The third step is of particular interest to you and to me. Upon leaving Poland, Rossi set off for the United States at the invitation of a former Polish student and, in Washington, met Father Bradley, Dean of the College, who invited him to take advantage of the freedom of expression and make use of the library at Georgetown. So it is here that he completed his work on primary sources, which he gathered through patient, detailed, encyclopedic research, and wrote a book on all aspects of the soviet concentration camp system.
The result is, first of all, a fascinating linguistic investigation of an unknown idiom, the language of the Gulag: several thousand entries in the original Russian edition, published in London in In this manner, the subjective witness gave way to the intersubjective historian and drew closer to the challenging goal of objectivity. Usually, witnesses do not much like historians who have not, themselves, suffered the situations they describe and analyze.
Historians, for their part, mistrust witnesses, suspicious of their good faith, accuracy and veracity. Rossi managed to reconcile the two. He spent twenty-four years of his life listening, recording, and conceiving his project. Then he applied himself to editing the records, drawing up the files, checking and confirming his work by searching through archives, documents, studies, and works by other people.
If Memory and History are to complement and benefit each other, the past must not be cultivated for itself but must, above all, be used to serve. This is how Jacques Rossi saw it. He wanted to place his experience at the service of education with a view to warning the world. His individual testimony as a zek crushed by an oppressive system was to be placed at the service of a universal cause. In this mass slaughterhouse, what became of the individual?
What happened to the human being? What about forgiveness and the spirit of vengeance? How can a human being protect his soul in this gigantic crushing machine of degradation and destruction? How can he or she survive twenty-four years of captivity? This is where individual testimony is of greatest value. And it is a mark of the greatness of the existential choice of Jacques Rossi, the former zek , that in the final analysis he concluded that he had no personal resentment against these men, even the criminals who abused him in the Norilsk camp, even the policemen who tortured him in Butyrka prison, even the false companions who betrayed him and who helped to have him sentenced for a second time.
The more the desire for revenge, which only impedes the search for truth, is reduced to a pitiful settling of personal scores, the more noble is the task of struggling to avoid repeating the nightmare. Rossi wanted this awful experience endured by millions of men and women to serve as a lesson. Will it prevent new blindness? The question remains open.
Survival is at the heart of the problems surrounding the concentration camp system.
Boston Globe. It presents a man of relative youth yet maturity, a wise observer of the human condition, a figure who possesses perseverance and writing skills that have flashes of grandeur. For him nothing was worse than the Gulag and he believed that the Holocaust had been given too much media coverage in comparison with the silence that surrounded and still surrounds the memory of the Gulag. Barack Obama Inc. Wright were the snippets of those sermons that have run in an endless loop on the television and YouTube, or if Trinity United Church of Christ conformed to the caricatures being peddled by some commentators, there is no doubt that I would react in much the same way But the truth is, that isn't all that I know of the man.
Why am I not dead? That is the ultimate question Translated from French. When I asked this question over and over again, Jacques replied wearily as if he were always being asked to explain the unexplainable. And I had read. I had studied. In short I was lucky. I wasn't forced to commit dirty tricks. I met a few human beings. In the end, it was a matter of resilience Each of these good reasons is worthy of close inspection and affects us all, as they touch upon the limits of human capacity to endure. I would add another good reason, another trait that characterized Rossi: namely his spirit of resistance.
It was immense. For example, he underwent three hunger strikes while he was in the Gulag. How can you go on hunger strike in a world where you are constantly deprived of food? Indeed, as with many other questions, Jacques could never really provide a final answer. And that is why, however significant his work of memory and history, however important his testimony and his attempts to prevent such horrors being repeated, it calls for further research so that the why and how of totalitarian systems, and their attendant crimes against humanity can be better understood and explained.
There is always a certain amount of subjectivity in research, however academic and objective it may be. The reason why the impact of my first meeting with Jacques Rossi was so strong is that I, myself, am the granddaughter of people deported to the Nazi camps. Jacques Rossi may have come back from the Gulag, but my grandfather never returned from Auschwitz. Indeed Rossi had some blind spots. For him nothing was worse than the Gulag and he believed that the Holocaust had been given too much media coverage in comparison with the silence that surrounded and still surrounds the memory of the Gulag.
He did not deny that in the Nazi camps, death was an end in itself, while in the Soviet concentration camp system; it was life that had no value. However he showed that the Nazi concentration camp system had been inspired by the soviet one, which had preceded it both in time and organization.
In fact, I went there of my own free will. However immense a testimony, a work of memory, or a work of history, it also has its limits. These inevitable boundaries can be crossed by other individuals, the new experts, like the participants in this conference. They can be enriched with the help of new archives and previously unpublished discoveries. And so it is up to to you—students—to continue the work, to ensure through description, analysis and further interpretation of these horrendous systems, that they are not reproduced.
Contrary to Shalamov, for whom the camp is definitely a school against life La route de la Kolyma , Belin, , p. And he invited us to follow in his footsteps, to fill in the gaps in his information, to research even further: now, new technologies have been developed, certain archives have been opened, time and distance make it possible to discover and disseminate truths that, until just a short time ago, were too uncomfortable to be discussed openly. Jacques Rossi may have disappeared physically ten years ago, but his spirit remains in this very place where I met him, where he wrote The Gulag Handbook.
Through me, he is asking other researchers to continue the work that he sought to achieve until his dying breath. He would encourage us, above all, to denounce, to elucidate those systems that massacred so many people in the darkest days of the past century and still exist today. This task is important for democracy. It is a just cause. Hoy le habla a este Congreso pleno una mujer Presidenta. Todos reconocen las palabras de Michelle Bachelet ante el Congreso en mayo de Una mujer presidenta no cambia el destino de las mujeres en general.
Pero vale la pena analizar este simbolismo. La historia de las mujeres es su memoria colectiva. Quisiera mencionar los momentos de la historia de las francesas —esta telenovela— que tuvieron repercusiones en la historia colectiva. El derecho fundamental de la democracia, el derecho a voto —el llamado sufragio universal— solo era ejercido por los hombres. En los dos casos, el objetivo es la igualdad de derechos entre mujeres y hombres. Esta idea fue una ruptura necesaria. Los tiempos han cambiado. Solo las mujeres viven la experiencia de la maternidad.
Esta diferencia esencial y existencial no se puede negar. Fue precedida por luchas de mujeres y un manifiesto. En la ley Roudy establece el rembolso del procedimiento por parte del sistema de seguridad social del Estado. Es interesante seguir su itinerario. No muy buenos. Ha sido eficaz solo en los escrutinios plurinominales de las elecciones europeas y municipales. En las elecciones legislativas con escrutinios uninominales, en cambio, los partidos han preferido pagar multas. Al menos impiden los retrocesos que a menudo han frenado los avances de las mujeres. En muchos hogares franceses, las mujeres que no tienen ayuda tienen de hecho una doble jornada laboral.
Y han tratado de atraer a los hombres en sus luchas.
De hecho, en los movimientos feministas de ayer y de hoy, participan muchos hombres. Desvalorizar y ridiculizar fueron las estrategias preferidas de su propio partido. Para los socialistas franceses, contrariamente a los alemanes, por ejemplo, el feminismo era una idea burguesa, y ridiculizaron a las feministas y el movimiento sufragista. Pero hubo una presidenta en Chile. Es desde una perspectiva no chilena que me permito observar el milagro de una presidenta chilena. Al dejar la presidencia, su tasa de popularidad era muy alta.
Por otra parte, las cifras muestran que la falta de candidatas en los partidos, tanto en Chile como en Francia, lleva a su escasez en el Parlamento y en los consejos municipales. De las respuestas a mis preguntas, podemos retirar algunas lecciones. No basta que gobierne, como Angela Merkel, debe tener un proyecto feminista, como Michelle Bachelet. Mujeres que se empoderen, que asuman el control de su destino sin esperar que la sociedad masculina se los proponga. El modelo laico incluye la igualdad en el trato a los hombres y las mujeres. En , Yourcenar acababa de morir.
Un editor me propuso trabajar sobre esta otra gran escritora del siglo XX. Una mezcla impresionante de documentos de identidad, calendarios, fragmentos de diarios, fotos antiguas. Las respuestas a mis preguntas se encuentran en los propios libros de la escritora. Al comienzo la trata bien y luego la trata con violencia, una violencia muy a menudo reservada a las mujeres. Solo que Yourcenar no es cualquier mujer. Es una escritora mundialmente reconocida. Pero a ella le da lo mismo la Academia francesa. Lo que quiere es viajar con Jerry, que ha esperado tanto.
En el momento de embarcarse, en octubre de , no tiene un centavo, ha tenido algunas pasiones, ha amado hombres y mujeres. Y estalla la guerra. Yourcenar construye en sus cartas su estatua, que nosotros tratamos de deconstruir en la obra. Nunca fue a la escuela. Las listas de sus lecturas de juventud son impresionantes. El padre, Michel de Crayencour, es el origen de la escritura de la hija. Es su primer lector. Para ambos, la edad y el sexo son cosas secundarias e intercambiables.
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The Moderate Voice. December 18, National Catholic Reporter. Dallas Voice. Archived from the original on January 12, Instead what I offer is something more modest: personal reflections on those values and ideals that have led me to public life, some thoughts on the ways that our current political discourse unnecessarily divides us, and my own best assessment—based on my experience as a senator and lawyer, husband and father, Christian and skeptic—of the ways we can ground our politics in the notion of a common good.
Let me be more specific about how the book is organized. In Chapter Two, I discuss those common values that might serve as the foundation for a new political consensus. Chapter Three explores the Constitution not just as a source of individual rights, but also as a means of organizing a democratic conversation around our collective future. In Chapter Four, I try to convey some of the institutional forces—money, media, interest groups, and the legislative process—that stifle even the best-intentioned politician.
And in the remaining five chapters, I suggest how we might move beyond our divisions to effectively tackle concrete problems: the growing economic insecurity of many American families, the racial and religious tensions within the body politic, and the transnational threats—from terrorism to pandemic—that gather beyond our shores.
I suspect that some readers may find my presentation of these issues to be insufficiently balanced. To this accusation, I stand guilty as charged. I am a Democrat, after all; my views on most topics correspond more closely to the editorial pages of the New York Times than those of the Wall Street Journal. I am angry about policies that consistently favor the wealthy and powerful over average Americans, and insist that government has an important role in opening up opportunity to all.
But that is not all that I am. I also think my party can be smug, detached, and dogmatic at times. I wish the country had fewer lawyers and more engineers. I think America has more often been a force for good than for ill in the world; I carry few illusions about our enemies, and revere the courage and competence of our military.
I reject a politics that is based solely on racial identity, gender identity, sexual orientation, or victimhood generally. I think much of what ails the inner city involves a breakdown in culture that will not be cured by money alone, and that our values and spiritual life matter at least as much as our GDP. Undoubtedly, some of these views will get me in trouble. I am new enough on the national political scene that I serve as a blank screen on which people of vastly different political stripes project their own views. As such, I am bound to disappoint some, if not all, of them.
Which perhaps indicates a second, more intimate theme to this book—namely, how I, or anybody in public office, can avoid the pitfalls of fame, the hunger to please, the fear of loss, and thereby retain that kernel of truth, that singular voice within each of us that reminds us of our deepest commitments. Recently, one of the reporters covering Capitol Hill stopped me on the way to my office and mentioned that she had enjoyed reading my first book. I wonder, too, sometimes.
I hope writing this book helps me answer the question. In these pages he often speaks to the reader as if he were an old friend from back in the day, salting policy recommendations with colorful asides about the absurdities of political life Obama is such a man, and he proves it by employing a fresh and buoyant vocabulary to scrub away some of the toxins from contemporary political debate.
Those polling categories that presume to define the vast chasm between us do not, Obama reminds us, add up to the sum of our concerns or hint at where our hearts otherwise intersect Obama advances ordinary words like 'empathy', 'humility', 'grace' and 'balance' into the extraordinary context of 's hyper-agitated partisan politics. The effect is not only refreshing but also hopeful As you might anticipate from a former civil lawyer and a university lecturer on constitutional law, Obama writes convincingly about race as well as the lofty place the Constitution holds in American life He writes tenderly about family and knowingly about faith.
Readers, no matter what their party affiliation, may experience the oddly uplifting sensation of comparing the everyday contemptuous view of politics that circulates so widely in our civic conversations with the practical idealism set down by this slender, smiling, year-old former sate legislator who is included on virtually every credible list of future presidential contenders.
It presents a man of relative youth yet maturity, a wise observer of the human condition, a figure who possesses perseverance and writing skills that have flashes of grandeur. How nice, then, to have a politician who can write as well as U. Barack Obama of Illinois. In nine focused chapters, Obama shows himself an agile thinker. This is an idea book, not a public-policy primer.
Minow, Chicago Tribune. Voir l'ensemble des Description du produit.
Afficher toutes les applis gratuites de lecture Kindle. Vous n'avez pas encore de Kindle? Partagez votre opinion avec les autres clients. Well written and concise, The Audacity of Hope formulates a working blueprint for the United States' way forward into the new century. It is smart, political, and gives a good idea of who Obama is, why he believes what he believes, and what we can expect.
Worth reading. I enjoyed this book..
I would recommend it. Format: Poche. This is a good book to understand Barack Obama as a person and his origins well before he won the presidential election, with an eye on all aspects of human activities from family to professional connections via political involvement, and which centres on achievements and vision rather than electoral ambitions.