Lloc i data de la mort: Barcelona, Amb les campanes i el sol, en tenen prou. Va ser jutjat, torturat i mort a garrot. ESO Llengua catalana i literatura 1 10 Correcta. Identificar els diferents tipus de sintagmes. Relacionar frases fetes amb el seu significat. Resoldre activitats sobre la lectura. Diftongs i hiats 8.
Escriu tots els mots de la lectura que tinguin un diftong. Sentit propi i sentit figurat. Frases fetes Dictat No tenia gaire amics en aquells dies, i els pocs que tenia acostumaven a aprofitar la temporada estiuenca per traslladar-se a viure lluny de la ciutat. ESO Llengua catalana i literatura 1 44 [material fotocopiable] Solucionari Unitat 2 El text narratiu II 8 pujar: enfilar-se; anomenar: batejar; repartir: distribuir; persona: home; esprimatxada: prima; feia servir: utilitzava.
Els robatoris es van cometre a Santa Coloma de Gramenet i a Badalona. Silenciosos: que roben sense fer soroll. Els determinants i els complements del nom estan subratllats. ESO Llengua catalana i literatura 1 c El 8 de desembre de Jameson, director del diari Daily Bugle. Una g Stan Lee. Els desallotjats van assegurar que el foc va ser intencionat. Decreixent i creixent: ai-gua-lir. SN: Els massai. Portes maletes? Diftong decreixent: deixar, servei, aigua, proveeix, caiguda, efectius, ciutat.
Elaborar un resum. Produir missatges orals a partir de pautes donades. Redactar textos expositius. Distingir els diversos tipus de substantius. Classificar els substantius. Tenir coneixement dels diferents tipus de diccionaris. Usar els diferents tipus de diccionaris. Valorar la lectura com a font de plaer. Ko Tazawa, En Yu i en Kei. Peixos: peixos espasa, tonyines, rap, morena, llobarro, tonyina, verat.
Quan es recuperen, tornen a casa. Lloc i any de naixement: Guadalupe Amistats: Mozart i Choderlos de Laclos. Bach a Londres. Dels anys immediatament posteriors daten els primers quartets per a corda, les simfonies K. Aquestes crisis es reflectiren en obres com el quintet de corda K. Aquests balbotejos teatrals van ser una altres molts fracassos. Resposta model: a Generalitat, aiguats.
Resposta model: fi m Vam esperar la fi del partit. X C f El dentista li va treure dues dents. Gentada: conjunt de gent. Pineda: bosc de pins. Castanyada: menjada de castanyes. Roureda: bosc de roures. Nom del poble: Argentona. Pla: Esterri. Mirador: Caubo. Conten que quan anava a jornal pels pobles de la coma de Burg, arrossegava un tros de dalla, llarg com la veracreu.
Bona dalla i bons collons! Josep M. Als llibres figuren els noms dels reis. Arrossegaren els reis els grans blocs de pedra? Els monarques ja tenien prou feina a donar les ordres, eren els minairons els qui realment van haver de suar la cansalada. El mosso, cames ajudeu-me, va tornar a la masia. De tornada, quan tot just si havia travessat el barranc, va obrir el canut.
El mosso, tot desconcertat, no sabia cap on girar-se. Doncs ara, fiqueuvos dintre del canut! El mosso va enroscar el tap ben enroscat i va respirar tranquil. No re No el vaig pas obrir, el canut —balbucejava el mosso. Estaven xops de suor. Tot sencer, excepte un jornal que es reservava per a ell. Ells es quedarien amb la resta del prat. Com cada any, a final de juny, van arribar unes quantes colles de dalladors gavatxos, repartides pels pobles de la Ribera de Sort. Us prometo que en quedareu content, del meu jornal.
A punta de dia, el dallador es va presentar al prat. Ja pots fotre el camp ara mateix! Sobretot, gireu pas el cap enrere. En veure aquell jornal de mil dimonis, es van quedar amb un pam de nas. La gent deia que tenia un tubet de diablorins i que, de fora estant, els manava la feina de casa. Coces i bots de pernes —No els has vist mai? Ja has vist com treballen, els meus minairons?
Un any se li va destapar sense voler el canut a la butxaca, i el minairons es van estendre per les eres i pels carrers de la vila. Fotien unes pinyes, que segons on et tocaven, ja havies begut oli. Escriptura d'un dictat preparat. Analitzar els textos descriptius. Elaborar textos decriptius. Distingir entre els adjectius variables i els invariables. Escriure correctament un dictat preparat.
Resoldre les activitats sobre la lectura. Escriu tots els adjectius que trobis en la lectura. Raona la teva resposta. On viu? Com viu? LED: sigla light-emitting diode, angl. A la punta de la Torre Agbar de Barcelona ja hi oneja una bandera. Fa metres. Gris: cendra, plom. Indefinit: ala de mosca, catxumbo, gos com fuig. La xapa ondulada que genera un bany de llum. Color: terra , blaus, verdosos, grisos. So de e tancada: neu, content, cullera, ocell, peix, dent, carrer 2 Resposta oberta depenent de la varietat dialectal dels alumnes.
So de o tancada: escombra, no, papallona, cotxe, mosca, menjador. B rus, mut. Comprendre els textos que es treballen. Completar sintagmes amb els adjectius corresponents. Identificar descripcions en els textos. Representar oralment situacions diverses. Fer servir correctament els possessius. Canvia el nombre de cadascun dels sintagmes subratllats: Delspals,enllocdegallardets,enpengenos samenteshumanesdescarnadesimenjadespelscorbs. Dictat Quan vaig despertar-me, dormia tot sol al menjador. Tenia sentiments contradictoris.
Jaume Copons, La closca pelada dels cretins. Dels pals, en lloc de gallardets, en pengen ossamentes humanes descarnades i menjades pels corbs. De nit es veu tot enllumenat per una claror sinistra i com de cementiri. Editorial Selecta. Demostratius: aquell pis, aquella casa. Possessius: les seves nines. Ens ha de respondre algunes preguntes.
Viu amb els seus pares? Visc amb els avis. Una tieta a la ciutat. I el seu oncle? Als peus, hi tinc un gran armari. El seu problema Ta mare et crida. Ma neboda: la meva. La ignoro. La humiteja. La unificaria. La humiliaves. La urbanitzaria. La unificarem.
Editorial Joventut. Un dia, la dona de Wu es va morir i ell es va tornar a casar. Reconeixement dels pronoms. Redactar un text descriptiu. Identificar els determinants numerals, quantitatius, interrogatius i exclamatius. Classificar els determinants numerals. Completar oracions amb els quantitatius corresponents. Fer servir correctament els determinants i els els pronoms. Usar correctament les grafies de la essa sorda i la essa sonora. Completar paraules amb la grafia adequada. Llegir i analitzar contes literaris. Els pronoms 4.
Diuen que, abans d'anar-se'n al llit, l'home els manava la feina que havien de fer. The French withdrawal of support created a fluid and uncertain situation within the town, and as a result its topography changed: traditional space and monuments fell into disfavor, while new space assumed new symbolic meaning and new monuments and urban areas established a new core. The metaliterary concerns of both poets seem to be shaped by a heightened awareness of writing within a community of readers. Preview on - off. In contrast, one lived next to, across from, close by, under, or above landmarks.
El relat de cada grup ha de ser diferent. Manel Ballart, Palmeres de menta. El llac rep molts rius i desguassa pel Desaguadero, un riu que va a parar a un altre llac, el Poopo. Altres: escullera. Es passen els apunts. A Es repeteixen el so [s] i el so [r]. B Es repeteixen el so [s] i el so [k]. De fet, mai no he sabut amb quin dels dos quedar-me. Surt el guerrer vers el camp de batalla.
Lectura 12 Resposta oberta. Hi donaven tres balcons: el del meu dormitori, el del dormitori dels meus pares i el de la sala, entremig dels altres dos. Escriptura de complements verbals. Escriptura de complements directes. Llegir i comprendre el text escrit. Distingir entre les formes personals i no personals del verb. Identificar els verbs predicatius i els verbs atributius. Classificar els verbs transitius i intransitius. Saber completar oracions amb els complements verbals.
Escriure missatges. Llegir i analitzar un text teatral. It would also offer a practical op- portunity to test Steven Nichols's argument that the manuscript be viewed as a "matrix" of the competing interests of scribes, compilers, and poets. Moreover, Brownlee's methods could well be applied to other poets and not just those of the Cancionero de Baena. My hunch is that Santillana's narra- tive dezires and not only his will display characteristics similar to those found in Imperial's poem: and not necessarily, or even at all, because of putative Secondly, for the purposes of cultural analysis much more work needs to be done on the assumptions implicit in Garcia's conceptualization and use of the term "literature.
I return to this problem below in my comments on Mark Johnston's paper; see also the concluding paragraphs to my study on Heman Nuiiez's com- mentary on Juan de Mena The opposition is articulated in the critical prefaces of Santillana and Encina but has its roots in antiquity; see Weiss , , , for discussion and bibliography.
A more probable working hypothesis is that the same social forces that produced the dit as defined by Cerquiligni — the move firom the psychodynamics of orality to those of written discourse — independently shape the development of the Cas- tilian dezir and English, Italian, and Catalan.
The long shift firom oral modes of composition and thought to those gener- ated by literacy provides, as Brownlee emphasizes, the essential context for Imperial's fascination with the dynamics of intertextuality, particularly his belief that like Juan Ruiz "intertextuality is inevitable. At this social level, one could make thematic connections with the extraordinary urge to gather and preserve poetic writing, described by Beltran and Garcia, and with Michael Gerli's account of language and aliena- tion in the courtly lyrics of Cartagena discussed below.
Aurora Hermida Ruiz, on the other hand, is concerned pri- marily with the social meaning of literary traditions: texts in dialogue not so much with each other as with a world outside the text for some, a ques- tionable notion. She asks what happens when new writers emerge and self- consciously proclaim a break with the past? How "revolutionary" was Garci- laso's love? In spite of the work done on the relation between the Italianate forms and their cancionero predecessors, much still remains to be done on an ideological level two recent books on Garcilaso, by Heiple  and Navarrete , leave the terrain free for exploration.
Hermida Ruiz offers a preliminary case study into the ideology of love, by focussing on the way the courtly topos of secrecy is deployed in some coplas by Jorge Manrique and in Garcilaso's CanciSn V "Ode ad florem Gnidi". This topos is an ideological bridge across esthetic difference, since it provides both male writers with a strategy to confront and negotiate the feminine "other" and in the process to assert the supremacy of the masculine self As evidence for the historical construction of gender, with its asymmetrical '" For a useful overview of medieval ideas about the alienation produced by fallen human language, especially writing, see Jager Detailed study of the textual strategies whereby the woman's voice is silenced is therefore an essential part of any attempt to tackle the complexities behind Joan Kelly-Gadol's lapidary question, "Did women have a Renaissance?
While they are a necessary corrective to the idealism of formalist studies of style, or to approaches based on the history of ideas, literary studies that highlight the continuity of patriarchy need to be carefully formulated. As Hermida Ruiz herself points out, this continuity is not the result of monolithic and unchanging gender roles but the result of a continuous process of renegotiation: "masculinism" the ideology of masculine dominance is dynamic, not static.
It is at this point that the formal study of the cancionero and Italianate styles needs to be reintroduced, because changing conventions and genres entail different ways of constructing the world, not simply different expressions of the same unchanging reality. Yet the current state of scholarship is such that much practical work remains to be done on the primary texts themselves: to improve our basic understanding of the rules of the game, its language, and the very meaning of many poems, even on the most literal levels.
In this respect, the essays by Ian Macpherson and Victoria Burrus make important contributions, and they do so in complementary fashion: the former offers microanalyses of specific texts and the latter a macroanalysis of a paradigm. Their work is exciting, not least because they are able to exploit recent bibliographical re- search and explore a far wider range of material than was hitherto available.
This point is especially noticeable when one compares Burrus's essay on role playing in the courtly love lyric with the panoramic studies of courtly love by O. Green and Aguirre , who also tried to construct a totalizing paradigm on the basis of motifs extracted from a range of poems. Burrus also goes beyond these earlier scholars by emphasizing the shaping influence of court society, the inescapable context of cancionero verse. Drawing on the studies of courtliness by Elias and Jaeger, she opens her account by stressing the importance of creating the "proper image" at court.
This entailed negoti- ating the "sometimes subtle shifts in the dynamics of social power relation- ships" and in the process deliberately blurring the boundaries between litera- ture and life. In the bulk of her essay, Burrus sketches the principal features of " For further materialist perspectives on form, developed in large measure through a critique of the ahistorical abstractions of Russian Formalism, see Medvedev and Bakhtin and Williams , However, according to Bennett, "the lost heritage" of Russian Formalism is precisely the analysis of the relation between the ideological and cog- nitive properties of form and the changing social process , ; see also Although she recog- nizes role playing as a means of gaining prestige at court, social competition is not her main concern.
Rather, it is to bring out the basic conviviality of this form of social interaction between men, as well as between the sexes. For the duration of the game, the rivalries of the outside world are set aside in non- threatening entertainment. Implicitly extending Jaeger's basic thesis, therefore, she views this courtly role playing as part of the civilizing process of the warrior class.
Macpherson approaches the game of courtly love through the perspective of the most obviously social of the lyric genres, the letras, divisas, and inven- ciones composed for that special arena of aristocratic wealth and power, the tournament. After salutary warnings against adopting a too generalized ap- proach to that "catch all" phrase courtly love, he encourages us to explore the historical specificity of each manifestation of the "genre" though whether the notion of courtly love can usefully be regarded as a genre is not a problem to be addressed here.
Like Burrus, he finds specificity in social context in this case that of the "closed community" of the Isabeline court , where the ludic quality of courtly love acquired a peculiar and defining intensity. This ludic in- tensity betrays "a fascination with the multiple possibilities offered by words at work," an awareness of the "plasticity" of language and of "relationships be- tween objects and ideas which might hitherto have passed unnoticed.
This means that "these literary and sporting activities are part of the world of the imagination and are also related to real life:. From a per- sonal standpoint, I consider that this common ground — the relation between writing and "ordinary" life — poses the greatest challenge to cancionero studies, in terms of both conceptualization and practical analysis. It is a problem faced by anyone who wishes to understand cancionero verse as a social practice, and, as we shall see, it forms a connecting thread with other essays to be discussed below.
Questions of Language Alan Deyermond addresses "Bilingualism in the cancioneros and its implica- tions. Deyermond sets bi- and multilingual Castilian cancioneros within the much larger context of European poetic anthologies of the Middle Ages, with occasional side-glances at lyric traditions of other cultures and periods. The broad perspective adopted here opens up tremendous possibilities for detailed case studies of the use of JULIAN WEISS 11 different languages within specific anthologies, at specific courts, and by spe- cific poets. But above and beyond this invaluable bibliographic service, Deyer- mond's panoramic overview also suggests ways in which language use may further cultural, gender, and political analysis one relevant study, by Menocal , was published too late for it to be considered by the author.
These broader interpretative issues, however, cannot according to Deyermond be adequately treated without a firm philological and bibliographical foundation. And in this area, much remains to be done; some of the tasks are listed in the final section of the essay. As Deyermond concludes, "Even though the percen- tages of bilingual poems, or poets, or candoneros are relatively low — for instance, about 10—12 percent of all late medieval poetic anthologies within a given linguistic tradition seem to be to some extent bilingual — they are high enough to make nonsense of any attempt to study the late medieval lyric tradition of any language in isolation.
Deyermond's emphasis is fundamental and timely, given the scarcity of comparative studies of the late medieval court lyric and the conditions of its production within an international court culture. His call for more colla- borative work and his arguments in favor of a union catalogue of European lyric anthologies are utterly compelling.
The only problem that intrigues me at this early stage is a procedural one and I cannot answer it here : how far will our conclusions rest upon our definition of "bilingualism"? Will occa- sional references to other languages sustain that "web of relationships" envi- sioned by Deyermond? At what point in our research will we need to pause for critical reflection upon that key term "bilingual"? On one level, Deyermond's paper intersects with those of Macpherson and Burrus, since they all comment on the ways in which courtliness entails a fascination with different forms of Hnguistic display.
A different perspective on the matter is offered by Michael Gerli, who explores the linguistic and epis- temological underpinnings of the verse by Pedro de Cartagena. In one respect, Gerli's study follows the pioneering work of Keith Whinnom as a vindication of a misunderstood poetic school through a close reading of its immanent poetics. Developing one of his own earlier observations that cancionero poetics are characterized by "the view that truth resides solely in linguistic percep- tion" , Gerii tries to recover the lost significance that Cartagena's vene held for early modern readers.
He locates it in the poet's "obsession with the contra- dictions of signification and the emptiness of language — the difficulty of estab- lishing an agreement between signs and their meaning — that seems to shape fifteenth-century Spanish courtly culture. He is thus a writer poised on the threshold of modernity, who forces us to reflect upon our own concerns over language.
The metaliterary concerns of both poets seem to be shaped by a heightened awareness of writing within a community of readers. Yet Cartagena seems less at ease than Imperial with the prospects of poly- valence: for him, the notions of the "primacy of the enunciating subject" and "second-degree literature of distantiation" would carry a much more existen- tial force.
He distances himself from other readings of the world by with- drawing into the primacy of his own self. As Gerli puts it in his conclusion, Cartagena suggests that "in order to understand visual, spoken, and written images, the mind needs to reconstitute itself in the seclusion of its own lan- guage. If one denies the referentiality of language, one obscures the author's own role in the construction of "truth" as a category based on what Gerli calls "private perception lacking external guarantors.
The case is obvious in two poems "No juzgueis por la color," and the one dedicated to "un loco llamado Baltanas" , in which Cartagena illustrates his ideas through the misperceptions of women and a madman. Put another way, "truth" is protected from the tainted gaze of the Other by being located in the "self," which is hypostasized as courtly, aristo- cratic, and masculine. Politics, Society, and Culture Through a series of anthologies and studies produced over the past thirty years, Julio Rodriguez Puertolas has encouraged us to confront fifteenth-century verse as both an overt and covert intervention in the changing sociopolitical structures of late feudalism.
The present contribution, on Jews and converses in the cancioneros, continues that tradition. Recognizing the value of individual studies already done on these social groups in fifteenth-century Iberia, Rod- riguez Puertolas contends that we still lack an adequate broad-based treatment of cancionero poetry either by or about Jews and converses.
Taken together, the available accounts fail both to explore the full thematic range of the subject and to situate it within "the larger historical coordinates of its production. As a necessary prelude to his analysis of some poems by the converse poet-courtier Diego de Valera, Rodriguez Puertolas outlines the increasing anti-Semitism of late medieval Spain. The three poems chosen are related to the fall of Alvaro de Luna, and together they demonstrate the importance of exploring the ideological underpinnings of cancionero verse by situating it within its concrete historical moment.
Rodriguez Puertolas has certainly identified an area where more work urgently needs to be done, and he rightly concludes his study by calling for interdisciplinary collaboration among literary critics, historians, and sociolo- gists. It seems to me that this collaboration would need to take place not just by sharing "findings" though that is important but by discussing methodo- logies of historical understanding.
The present essay is structured upon the binarism "textrcontext," and this approach works well for the poems chosen. But in other cases it might be a drawback, since the literary text is usually posited as a secondary reflection of a pregiven reality, and in the process the potential of writing as a socially constitutive force is lost. In other words, other forms of historicism need exploring, which do not simplify the issue either by selecting obviously "propagandistic" works or by explaining everything as the by-product of an allegedly coherent world-view.
Some possibilities are sug- gested below, in Mark Johnston's paper on cultural studies; but I would be particularly intrigued to see how cancionero scholars would respond to Regula Rohland de Langbehn's innovative attempt to use the concept of medi- ation developed by the Frankfiirt school to link the sentimental romance to the historical situation of the conuersos. Though best known, perhaps, for her work on the sentimental romances, Rohland de Langbehn is also a distinguished critic of fifteenth-century verse.
Her present paper extends the boundaries of cancionero studies by exploring the political themes of power and justice. This explains the format of Rohland de Langbehn's study, which, like the contributions of Deyermond, Rodriguez Puertolas, and Burrus, serves the indispensable function of iden- tifying the raw material and formulating some basic questions for future re- search and debate. Drawing upon an impressive array of primary sources, including the ne- glected doctrinal verse of Fernan Perez de Guzman, Rohland de Langbehn brings together the most significant beliefs about power and justice and situates the resulting paradigm in the context of emerging monarchical absolutism.
Her survey leads her to conclude that initially poets set their discussions of the subject within a shared or "univocal" ethical framework, but that particularly from the reign of Enrique IV, they adopt a more critical posture. The critical tone, however, is largely a product of factional antagonism, which means that the basic rights and duties of the monarch were unchallenged and in this sense the conceptuaUzation of power and justice was rather static in this period. For me, however, the most stimulating ideological problem raised in this essay is the very concept of "ideology" itself, which is, as Jorge Larrain notes, "perhaps one of the most equivocal and elusive concepts one can find in the social sciences" , It is true that if one defines ideology as a system of beliefi characteristic of a specific class, the term will not help us uncover any latent subtleties in the apparently homogenous poetic treatments of power and justice during this period.
But ideology has many often contradictory meanings, which could be fruitfully exploited at different levels of historical and cultural analysis. In this respect, we might ask why the categories power and justice were linked in the first place and why this pairing is such an obsessive theme in the transition from feudalism to absolutism.
The beginnings of an answer may be found in Anderson's observation that "it is. It was the ordinary name of power" , Implicit throughout Rohland de Langbehn's essay is a healthy skepticism towards reading all instances of the theme of power and justice as transparent expressions of self-interest and bad faith.
She suggests at one point that my reading [Weiss b] of Perez de Guzman's rhetorical strategies of self-legi- timization may well be anachronistic. Her skepticism is important, because it will force those of us who wish to pursue ideological criticism to confront the real complexities that underlie the concept and to support our theoretical posi- tions with convincing practical analyses of the ethical and political verse that this author encourages us to explore with fresh eyes.
A different perspective on political and social power is offered by Barbara Weissberger, who has been at the forefront of feminist readings of medieval Spanish literature in this country. Jones The conceptual framework of her study is twofold. On the one hand, she deploys a materialist feminism that explores how relationships of sex and gender are basic forms of political and social organization. See also the final paper in this volume, by Mark Johnston, which contains some valuable suggestions about how canciotiero verse might be read as an ideological practice.
In other words the carni- valesque mode of Carajicomedia does not subvert dominant patriarchal ideology; it is a way of negotiating the anomaly of a powerful woman who reasserted patriarchal values threatened by her allegedly feminized predecessor, Enrique IV, el impotente. Even the most cursory reading reveals the potential of Weissberger's paper as a model for further analyses of cancionero verse as a range of politically gendered discourses.
Whether one follows her lead will, of course, depend on individual choice rather than on arguments from within a common metho- dology : but the connections between her work and the issues of language and love explored by Burrus, Macpherson, Gerli, and Hermida Ruiz are there to be made. To pick up the thread of some of my earlier remarks, if one were to read Gerli's study alongside that of Weissberger, two mutually illuminating possibilities emerge: one, as I have mentioned, is that Gerli's paper could be extended to explore the asymmetrical and gendered power relations structuring Cartagena's reflections on language and the reading subject.
The other is that the male anxieties identified by Weissberger are implicated in a much wider web of political and social change: male sexual anxieties mediate the anxieties of a "self emerging against an impersonal "society" — the former reified as an alienated yet "private" and controlling masculine self, the latter as an all- engulfing or castrating feminine Other. Mark Johnston's "Cultural Studies on the Gaya Ciencia" provides an appropriately open-ended conclusion to this collection. He investigates some of the ways in which the interdisciplinary methods of cultural studies can help us understand cancionero verse as a discourse of social, political, and economic power.
In spite of its eclecticism, cultural studies "share a commitment to examining cultural practices from the point of view of their intrication with, and within, relations of power" Bennett , Cancionero verse has, of course, been studied in connection with the political, economic, and social life of fifteenth-century Spain Boase's The Troubadour Revival  is still the boldest and best example.
But cultural studies enables this connection to be discussed with greater conceptual refinement, avoiding simplistic formulations of "text and context" where the literary text is secondary, a reflection of pre- given "reality" and reductive accounts of literature as a spontaneous reflex of a socioeconomic base. As Garcia and Beltran emphasized, the evolving structure and history of each cancionero offer vital evidence for cultural analysis: in this case, they mark the separation of high and low cultures, the very binarism that Weissberger deconstructs in this essay.
To avoid what is occasionally called "cookie-cutter criticism" and to establish a dialectical relationship between conceptual and practical inquiry, however, we also need to ask what the cancioneros can do for cultural studies. A relevant question, given the emphasis of cultural studies on contemporary culture.
For example, as Johnston demonstrates, cultural studies reveals what we can learn when we deconstruct such modern categories as "literature" and "author," with their baggage of idealism. I recognize that this is something that future research needs to explore more fully. However, at another level of inquiry I would reintroduce these categories as the grounds for a more sustained dialectical engagement between present methologies and the surviving record of past experience.
The engagement between present and past provides the concluding theme for Johnston's essay, and it is an apt one for this book too. For the conjunction of cancionero and cultural studies requires us to examine our own relationship to the past a similar point is raised by Gerli.
As Johnston observes, cultural studies requires that we interrogate the "definitions of culture and literature in our academic institutions. But collectively, the essays in this volume call attention to the po- tential of cancionero verse for understanding not just the past but our own modes of reading it. Uniuersity of Oregon materialism.
It would be interesting to see this criticism substantiated; especially since the man who developed the notion of cultural materialism, Raymond Williams, was also one of the originators of the cultural studies movement. To my knowledge, no medieval hispanist has attempted to work with Williams's ideas, whether he is construed as a cultural materialist or cultural studies guru. However, the former's own contribution to his volume complements Johnston's extended remarks on the processes of subjectification. That is to say, it departed from the course that Romance studies in the rest of Europe would continue to follow in the edition and study of the medieval lyric.
The initial impulse in the nineteenth century had come with the publication of the Cancionero de Baena by Pedro Jose Pidal ; reprinted From the s through the early s it was thought that each cancionero represented a particular school, period, or compiler, and research was redirected into edit- ing them as an organic whole. For a review of these early editions see Azaceta , LII. Strictly speaking, it was Usoz y Rio who first started to reedit the cancioneros, with his edition of the Caruionero de obras de burlas in London, But his intentions — to lay bare and vindicate the other Spanish tradition, which had long laid buried and repressed — were to subvert from abroad the dominant intellectual tendencies at home.
For this reason, I consider Pidal's edition to be the real starting point for scholarship on fifteenth-century poetry. XXV partial ed. Cavaliere ; Cancionero de Uppsala ed. Benitez Claros ; El cancionero de Palacio ed. Vendrell de Millas ; Cancionero musical de Palacio ed.
Angles ; Cancionero musical de la casa de Medinaceli ed. Querol Gavalda ; Cancionero de Pedro del Pozo ed. Rodriguez Moiiino ; Cancionero d'Herberay des Essarts ed. Lastly, the significance of an edition was also judged almost exclusively by the quantity of previously unpublished works it contained, and these gradually diminished in number.
These editions played a crucial role, and they continue to provide the basis of our own knowledge. In addition to making the texts available, they shed considerable light upon authors and often correctly evaluated the represen- tative nature of the cancionero and its date.
Nonetheless, Spanish philology made the mistake of limiting itself almost exclusively to this kind of research. In the first place, it underestimated the value of critical editions of individual poets, which conditioned both the perspective and methods of analysis, which were more general than particular. Consequently, there was little literary study of individual cancionero authors. It is true that editions of particular poets did have a rich tradition from the start of this century. Rodriguez Monino ; Cancionero dejuan Femdndez de hear ed.
Azaceta ; "El 'Pequeno cancionero" ' ed. Azaceta ; Cancionero de Luz6n ed. Rodriguez Monino a ; Cancionero de Gallardo ed. Azaceta ; Cancioneiro de Carte e de Magnates ed. Askins ; Cancionero musical de la Colombina Querol Gavalda Although it is much more recent, a project is now well under way to catalogue all the Golden Age cancioneros. Directed by J. Labrador Herraiz, this project will undoubtedly bring to light new data for the Renaissance reception of fifteenth-century lyrics. From a basically biographical perspective, there are various works by AvaUe-Arce , , , a-c.
For a use- fiil bibliography of studies on Jewish and conuerso poets and themes, see Rodriguez Puertolas's essay in the present collection. This was followed by the cancioneros of Pedro Manuel Ximenez de Urrea ed. Villar y Garcia ; see also Asensio ; Gomez Manrique ed. Paz y Melia ; facsmile reprint ; Juan Rodriguez del Padron ed. Rennert ; Anton de Montoro ed. Cotarelo y Mori ; Macias ed. Rennert ; partial ed. Paz y Melia ; Juan Alvarez Gato ed.
Artiles Rodriguez ; Pere Torroellas ed. Bach y Rita See also editions of such major works as Manrique's Coplas Foulche-Delbosc , revised ; , , and Mena's Laberinto Foulche-Delbosc a, though it lacks critical apparatus. Nor has there been a lack of literary studies, and alongside the edition of cancioneros there has been a continuous flow of information, extracts, and analysis of each of them.
Brian Dutton's Catdlogo- indice and his Cancionero del sigh XF — 91 crowned an extraordi- nary bibliographical and documentary project. Perhaps the least active front in recent decades has been facsimile editions. But these are not the only ones; the panorama also includes editions of satirical works, such as those by Ciceri , and the edition of Montoro Ciceri and Rodriguez Puertolas For another example of the Italian school, see Caravaggi et al. For obvious reasons, one would have to include in this tradition Perinan's edition of Suero de Ribera Henceforth, I shaU use Dutton's siglae originally set forth in his Catdlogo-indice to identify the cancioneros.
The history of this bibliographical project may be traced in the works of Mussafia ; Aubrun ; Simon Diaz ; Varvaro ; Norton ; Gonzalez Cuenca ; Steunou and Knapp ; Faulhaber et al. Alongside these bibhographies, one has to mention lists of sources included in studies on specific manuscripts, such as those found in Azaceta's editions of the cancioneros of Juan Fernandez de Ixar , Gallardo , and Baena In addition to Simon Diaz's ongoing bibliography, there are of course the essential catalogues and bibliographical studies by Rodriguez Monino b, , , , which remain our most valuable source for the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, a period when cancioneros continue to anthologize fifteenth-century verse.
Another related area that cannot be ignored is that of the frequently bilingual Catalan cancioneros, although Castilian bibhographies often include only the sections devoted to Castilian. While we await a complete bibUography, which I am currently preparing in collaboration with Gemma Avenoza, we have to fall back on the one by Masso Torrens , which includes an index of catuioneros, whose siglae I shall adopt where necessary, and a systematic analysis of the poets.
Even more useftil in this respect is the doctoral thesis by Ganges Garriga defended , currently in press. Catedra and Coca Senande I fail to understand why no one has yet published a facsimile of the magnificent Cancionero de Estufiiga. Even so, recent research still bears the marks of a poor and occasionally ill-conceived tradition. So long as we lack careful editions of the majority of authors, or at least the most significant ones, with corresponding hterary study and appropriate analysis of transmission, it will be difficult to make headway towards a rigorous and thorough under- standing of this poetic school.
The weakest area in our knowledge continues to be the compilation of the cancioneros, the relationship between them, and their modes of circulation. In this context, I believe it useful to focus my study on their genetic typology: the provenance of the materials they gathered, their organizational techniques, and the light they shed upon the diflfusion of poetry in the fifteenth century.
In his prelimary study, Aubrun remarked upon the existence of four sections of anonymous poems. These he attributed to the compiler himself, whom he identified as the Navarrese nobleman Hugo de Urries be- cause of a reference to him in poem no. The first group of anonymous poems begins with no. But the limits of the present study prevent me from doing this. For a review of the very positive developments in recent years, see the Bole- tin Bibliogrdfico de la AsociaciSn Hispdnica de Literatura Medieval. The published proceedings of this association are the most important forum for recent trends in fifteenth-century studies in general and the lyric in particular.
Most of these studies and publications continue to focus on the same authors who attracted scholariy attention a hundred years ago: apart from the inevitable Manriques, SantiUana, and Mena, we again encounter Anton de Montoro, Juan Rodriguez del Padron, or Fernando de la Torre, while authors as innovative or culturally representative as Cartagena still he dormant in the cancioneros.
Other lyric poets have attracted some attention because they cultivated other literary genres: Diego de San Pedro and Juan del Encina are typical. Suffice it to say that Dutton attributes this composition to the author of nos. Nonetheless, it would be dangerous to attribute the first long series of anonymous poems in LB2 up to and including no. As I have said, the editor based his identification on the self-reference in no. This evidence leads us to doubt that we are faced with a compact group of poems attributable to a single poet.
Nor do I believe it possible to attribute to the compiler the second group of compositions. Anonymous and unique. The author refers to himself in the text of the poem. Henceforth, I shall take into account the cancioneros in which each composition appears, since this can help us trace their origin. But how could he have forgotten that he had already copied out one of his own poems? Moreover, if compiler and author were one and the same, he probably resorted to this very same cancionero to gather his own compositions, which would have made repetition impossible.
The third group is very problematic. On the other hand, the coincidence between this section and the cancionero of the Biblioteca Estense de Modena MEl suggests that both go back to a common source. In any case, 69 Anonymous. MP4a poem 24 70—75 Anonymous and unique. MP4a poem Throughout this section, MHl differs from all other surviving witnesses. In this cancionero it appears in the midst of a group of canciones that are documented only here, attributed to various authors.
As for the fourth group identified by Aubrun, it simply does not exist. In other words, it faithfiiUy continues the previous part of the candonero, a diverse group of works that do not con- stitute a cohesive whole. Their dual status as anonymous and unique poems within the corpus invites this hypothesis, alongside the fact that, as Aubrun says, "les poetes qui rompent a la fin ou au milieu I'anonymat de ces series, appartiennent Whether these poems are by Hugo de Urries or not, everything indicates that the Candonero de Herberay was the most elaborate representative of a characteristic type: anthologies that combine well- known works with others that survive in single copies.
I believe we are deal- ing with compositions from the compiler's own literary circle, probably by dif- ferent authors, whose identities are not made explicit precisely because they would have been obvious. In this regard, the relation between LB2 and other candoneros becomes especially significant, in particular the connection with MEl.
Between no. Blank folio. Final folio recto and verso with the opening stanzas of the Trescientas. Aubrun offers a convincing explanation for this: in , the marques de Monferrato married Maria de Navarra, the same woman eulogized by Juan de Valladolid in the cancionero's final section no. Firstly, if this were the case, we would not be able to explain the eulogy of the infanta Maria; secondly, poem , by Macias, is acephalous in LB2 but complete in MEl.
It would make no sense for the works of Torrellas and Juan de Mena which MEl places in this sequence at the head of the collection to appear in LB2 at the very end and in no special order. The main body of the cancionero ends on folio 21 Iv, a large part of which is blank. Also left blank is folio r— v, but on the next and last leaf a later hand, which is much neater and with marked humanistic features, copied the start of Mena's Trescientas.
The only surprising thing is that the eulogies of Princess Maria, who caused the relationship between the two MSS, do not appear in MEl. Their conclusions coincide with my own survey of the extant verse of SantUlana. The common errors in both witnesses and Perez Priego's critical apparatus for the "Querella de amor" reveal that whereas MEl reads "crueldad e gran tormento" in 1.
Therefore, one can reject the dependence of LB2 on MEl. In the text of the "Infiemo de los enamorados," the same situation frequendy occurs Stanzas from the Vita Christi also appear in the final folios of BC3 97vv , and in those of LB2 the dedicatory stanzas of the Laberinto de Fortuna were copied out in a different hand. This is to say, we cannot exclude the hypothesis that various individuals or even literary courts gradually left their mark in various parts of the cancionero.
Consider how some of the material that makes up the second group of anonymous poems is common to the oldest section of the Cancionero musical de Palacio and that the third part influenced the Cancionero de la Biblioteca Estense de Modena and to a lesser extent SA7 see the description of each of these sections in the relevant note. The material being circulated, as this example demonstrates, were groups of poems and not a large cancionero nor individual compositions.
The compiler first gathered the poetic production of the Navarrese court, inspired probably by the desire to preserve the panegyrics of the princess Leonor. That was the source of the texts that Aubrun classified as the two groups of anonymous poems. In this phase, he must have already drawn on a booklet produced elsewhere and from which he took poems 49 to He must have had at his disposal contributions of the highest quality, because in this section he also included a group of poems unknown to other textual witnesses, among which were preserved, for exam- ple, single copies of poems by Juan de Mena.
Later, he would have laid his hands on a cancionero that provided at least some of the poems up to no. It was probably an excellent cancionero, though not very long, linked to the Aragonese family, which gave him the necessary material to convert that em- bryonic collection into something grander, something capable of combining the initial nucleus with a significant sampUng of fifteenth-century verse. Maria de Foix's connections with the House of Monferrato made it possible for this cancionero to reach northern Italy as well. Even later, a few compositions were added at the end; also unique, they are eulogies of this same princess from the court of Navarre.
Finally, after a blank leaf, which was probably left free for further additions, a scribe copied the opening of the Laberinto de Fortuna. Moreover, this copy is of high quality and copied uniformly, which indicates that it was not the work of an amateur, but a more cultured product, attribut- able to the court of Navarre itself. In this type of cancionero, the compilers superimposed strata from different origins. On the one hand, there were poems that reached them through the usual channels of cancionero lyric which are admittedly still to be studied in detail : generally classics Mena, Santillana, Gomez Manrique, the Vita Christi, Fernan Perez de Guzman, Torrellas, and sometimes Villasandino or Macias or booklets produced in the prestigious creative centers of the Castilian and Aragonese courts.
On the other hand, they took advantage of works composed in their own circle, gathered by the author himself or his protege. On the whole, poems that survive in single copies are common only in certain major can- cioneros, which frequently share a high number of works that, judging by their sequence and readings, go back to a common source as in the cases of PN8 and PN Nevertheless, cancioneros are often structured around an initial core made up of texts preserved by a single or almost single witness and strongly influenced by the collector's taste and interests.
In the first fols. In the second fols. Aubrun uses it to justify his attribution of the anonymous poems to Hugo de Urries, but it has been applied in other contexts.
Whinnom , for example, believed that the brief sentimental romance that he published under the tide La coronaciSn de la senora Gracisla could be ascribed to the primitive compiler of Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, MS. On 25 February 25 the treaty of Vilafranca forced Juan II to recognize all his rights, in addition to conceding a large part of his claim to rule in Cataluna, and on 23 September of that year the prince died Vicens Vives , It is, in short, a substantial cancionero: doctrinal verse predominates, but it also includes the central texts of the fifteenth-century poetic school, with no attempt at sys- tematic arrangement but with two general common traits: the connection of works and authors to the poUtical and literary circle of the Aragonese party, and its didactic character discussed below , except for the final section de- voted to Anton de Montoro.
Although beginning a cancionero with a group of unique poems was not the most common procedure, it was the most personal one. On other occasions, the initial inspiration was a preexisting poetic anthology. The perfect example of this is the Pequeno cancionero del Marques de la Romana MN15 , which opens with a selection firom the Cancionero de Baena.
Another typical example of this model — though an extraordinarily ambitious one — can be seen in COl, the bulk of which is made up of a generous selec- tion of poets from the first half of the fifteenth century: Santillana, Mena, Lope de Stuiiiga, etc. Although the current state of research does not always allow us to reconstruct the immediate model the Pequeno cancionero is an exception , there is no doubt that this is the most frequent mode of compilation we encounter.
Other cancioneros follow a simpler scheme. Many are the manuscripts that contain exclusively one or two long poems and they are usually the same ones , such as Las siete edades del mundo, whose textual history has been traced by Sconza In short, cancioneros structured around a single poetic unit are remarkably numerous. A later hand copied out a poem by Boscan. For its relations with the Cancionero de Baena, see Alberto Blecua In the same way, Santillana's Bias contra Fortuna is associated with another common basic text, Fernan Perez de Guzman's Vicios y virtudes, to begin MNIO, and other poems by this author were later added to make up an anthology of quite healthy proportions.
ML2 leads off with Mena's Coronacion, continues with a miscellaneous prose section, and closes with the Trescientas. A copy of the Vita Christi laid the basis for an extensive anthology of pious verse occupying up to one hundred and forty-three folios MLl ; to the Fundacion de Espaha was added a selection of Mena's verse, including the Laberinto and sections devoted to Gomez Manrique, Fernan Perez de Guzman, and other odd poems MMl ; a manuscript as open-ended and as complex as the Cancionero de Gallardo MN17; Azaceta starts with a copy of one of those poems that often circulated individually: the Coplas de la Panadera, whose transmission has been studied by Elia In all these instances, cancioneros of quite distinct conception and scope seem to have been fabricated around an initial nucleus formed by a long work that circulated independently.
The collected works of individual poets could also provide the core of a new cancionero. It is true that the works of Santillana or Gomez Manrique did not give rise to larger collections, perhaps because in the period collective cancioneros are scarce. This system is also the norm in the anthologies of the Provencal troubadours and even the French trouveres see Crespo I am not concerned here only with those cancioneros that bear the stamp of a particular identity. Others are elaborated on the basis of a longer work that is used as a foun- dation.
These, in conclusion, are the most common procedures for starting to compile a new cancionero. Their subsequent growth could follow various paths. Finally, I should like to emphasize that what nowadays seems to be the initial nucleus of a cancionero can in fact be the product of later textual, or even codicological, additions.
Merce Lopez Casas is about to present a doctoral thesis on Perez de Guzman that will shed further light on this kind of problem. Although the manuscript appears to be fairly uniform, and possibly the work of a single copyist, a more detailed study reveals certain changes, sometimes quite distinct ones, both in the tone of the ink and in the style of the hand, which might be explained as the result of sporadic work over a long period by the same person or possibly even be due to the intervention of two copyists. What is important to stress here is that the first folio is written in the same style of hand as folios vr and rr, while foUos 2r-3r, written out in a much neater and more humanistic hand, seem somewhat out of place.
Since there are no flyleaves, I suspect that folio 1 was originally left blank and that it was later used to copy a poem concerning events relating to Carlos de Viana that linked the contents of the following two folios. At the firont of this, were added two booklets foliated A-L and M-T. The first begins with a privilege of Fernando I de Aragon awarding forty florins to the Consistorio de la Gaya Ciencia; after two blank folios, there is a group of three works on the imprisonment of Carlos de Viana. The second booklet contains the manuscript's table of contents and a new composition.
The cancionero properly speaking begins with the following booklet, which is foliated in continuous roman numerals throughout the whole collection. In each of these cases, the addition of a booklet to be used either partially or in whole as a table of contents left room for the insertion of all kinds of texts. A type of sword, which I have not been able to identify, is found in folio S of the second quire and in quires 6, 8, 10, as well as other odd folios. The measurements, how- ever, are identical. The MS, therefore, is constructed as a single unit, and the only reason for having left this section blank was simply to allow space for the index.
There are manuscripts that indicate that they grew by simple means: by the addition of preexisting collections without any apparent selection of material in the strict sense. The compiler possibly tried to revise the material in such a way as to avoid duplicating texts, but as often happens, he inadvertently repeated some poems in the two sections. Both units are so long and complex that we can scarcely imagine the compiler setting himself any other task than to suppress repeated poems, even though he was unable to carry this out.
The joining together of the two parts is perfectly visible both in the codicological structure and in the type of paper. PN6, for instance, after a section devoted to Fernan Perez de Guzman, incorporates an anthology that combines works of this author with those of Mena and Santillana but continues with a strange hodgepotch in which Santillana rubs shoulders with Villasandino, the marquis of Astorga, and Juan Alvarez Gato.
PN5 also starts off with the work of Fernan Perez de Guzman but then combines verse by Gomez Manri- que, Juan de Mena, and other poets from the Aragonese court, some of which goes back to the archetype of the Italian family Varvaro , The second section of BMl is made up of a selection of verse by Mena, Gomez Manrique, and Juan Rodriguez del Padron, which also as far as the current state of textual criticism allows us to deduce can be linked to this same family of cancioneros.
A strikingly different case is LB3, which was extended by adding works that seem to have quite varied origins and textual traditions; next to these are works surviving in single copies. Then follows another section of religious verse, all in single surviving anonymous copies fols. The remainder is an anthology of didactic verse which con- cludes with some poems by Montoro fols. The combination of unique texts, in prose and verse, and well-known and widely disseminated works recalls the Cancionero de Herberay.
The first is an anthology of the Ara- gonese family fols. The second part contains a bundle of poems that were not widely circu- lated and are attributed to Roman, Juan Alvarez Gato, Fadrique Manrique, and Guevara. See the editions and notes of Ciceri and Rodriguez Puertolas , no. With respect to Guevara, unfortunately we still lack a detailed study, in spite of his undoubted interest for the development of late fifteenth-century verse.
The rubric of one of his poems seems to be datable to the end of , when Prince Alfonso traveled from Arevalo to Ocaria Suarez Fernandez , : "Otras suyas a vna partida que el rey don Alfonso hizo de Areualo" Foulche-Delbosc , no. This trip took place around the middle of December, since at that time King Enrique was in Madrid, according to Galindez de Carvajal ed. Torres Fontes , , and the latter is documented as being in that town from between 15 December and 17 May Torres Fontes , The tide of King given to Alfonso excludes the possibihty that the rubric refers to another stay in Arevalo the previous year Torres Fontes , Guevara had probably been in the service of Enrique IV even earher, if the poem "O desastrada ventura" refers to the meeting held in Guadalupe in between Enrique, Princess Isabel, and Alfonso V of Portugal.
It is also probable that his Sepultura de amor was even earlier than this Rennert , no. Apart from knowing that in the Castihan civil wars this family always fought on the side of the Infantes de Aragon, we know that Pedro Manrique, the eldest son of the count of Paredes and Fadrique's elder brother, took part in the negotiations that led to the pardon of Juan de Cardona's rebellion by Juan II of Aragon, in Valencia, Salazar y Castro , X, ch.
Ill; and Zurita , hb. XVIII, ch. In principle, I accept this attribution although not everyone does; see Aubrun , Ixvii- Ixxii. We need to respect archival documents, which are the only nonliterary evidence we possess. Cancioneros also grow through the addition of material that, as in the cases of LB2 and LB3, could be unique, sometimes anonymous, texts that were probably the products of the compiler's own circle.